2025 Budget vs Coalition Predecessors – A Small Business Perspective

Australia’s 2025 Federal Budget arrives in a charged political atmosphere, with an election imminent and over two million sole traders and small business owners watching closely. This analysis cuts through partisanship to deliver an accountability-driven review of how the 2025 Budget compares to the previous two budgets of the Liberal–National Coalition (for 2021–22 and 2022–23). Framed from the perspective of small business owners and average workers, it evaluates fiscal credibility on key macroeconomic indicators – debt, deficits, growth, jobs, taxes – and scrutinises the opposition’s official budget response. Sole traders make up a significant share of Australia’s 97% small-business economy​, often experiencing economic conditions much like wage earners. With that in mind, we examine whether the new budget’s promises and criticisms from all sides hold up to the needs of small businesses, sole operators, and everyday Australians.

Fiscal Policy in Context: Coalition Legacy vs 2025 Budget

The Liberal–National Coalition has traditionally claimed the mantle of prudent economic management – low taxes, controlled spending, and a focus on private enterprise-led growth. However, the 2021–22 and 2022–23 Coalition budgets were shaped by extraordinary times. In May 2021, Treasurer Josh Frydenberg’s budget was still bolstering a pandemic-struck economy with stimulus and record deficits. It forecasts an underlying cash deficit of $106.6 billion for 2021–22​, though a faster-than-expected recovery shrank the actual deficit to $32.0 billion (1.4% of GDP) by the year’s end​. By March 2022 – just weeks before the federal election – the Coalition’s final budget projected a still-hefty $79.8 billion deficit for 2021–22​, abandoning earlier hopes of a surplus. Over the forward estimates to 2025–26, those March 2022 papers anticipated cumulative deficits of nearly $225 billion​. In short, “Back in Black” was off the table; the Coalition pivoted to supporting the COVID rebound and an election-year cash splash rather than immediate fiscal repair​.

Fast-forward to 2025, and Australia’s economic landscape has shifted. The current Labor government’s 2025 Budget is also an election-year plan but with different challenges – notably a cost-of-living crisis after the biggest real wage decline on record​. Treasurer Jim Chalmers benefits from a revenue windfall that delivered rare back-to-back cash surpluses in 2022–23 and 2023–24​. However, the 2025 Budget steers those gains into relief measures and longer-term programs rather than bankrolling ongoing surpluses. The Opposition has framed it as “a Budget for the next five weeks, not the next five years”​– implying it is more about short-term political expediency than Australia’s future prosperity. Indeed, like the late-Coalition budgets, the 2025 plan contains election-season sweeteners (tax cuts, energy rebates) funded by substantial revenues, while structural deficit issues remain largely unaddressed.

Critically, both the Coalition and Labor approaches converge on not rocking the boat too hard before an election. In 2022, the Coalition injected stimulus via temporary tax offsets and fuel excise cuts, betting on growth to shrink deficits later​. In 2025, Labor is deploying modest deferred tax cuts and targeted subsidies while projecting that economic growth and restrained spending will stabilise debt over the longer term. The rhetoric differs – the Coalition insists it would “better manage the economy” and accuses Labor of a short-sighted spendathon​​– but the historical pattern shows both sides resort to expansionary fiscal policy when voter sentiment demands it. For small businesses and sole traders, pre-election budgets emphasise immediate relief and broad-based benefits regardless of party, with bolder fiscal consolidation or productivity reforms postponed beyond the political horizon.

Debt, Deficit and Economic Outlook: Credibility of the Numbers

A key test of fiscal credibility is how each budget handles Australia’s debt and deficit trajectory. The 2025 Budget concedes that after the surprise surpluses, the country will return to “deficits as far as the eye can see”, as the Opposition has quickly highlighted​. Treasury’s latest projections show an underlying cash deficit of about $42 billion (1.5% of GDP) in 2025–26​. Moderate deficits persist across the forward estimates, with no specific surplus target date. Gross government debt is now forecast to peak at ~37% of GDP in 2029–30 before gradually easing​– an improved outlook compared to the Coalition’s pre-election forecast, which had debt peaking much higher. (Labor credits its decision to bank much of the revenue upgrade for lowering projected debt by $177 billion in 2024–25 relative to the pre-election baseline​.) In other words, Labor argues it has been fiscally responsible in “returning 87¢ of every extra revenue dollar to budget repair”, while the Opposition counters that spending is actually $425 billion higher under Labor, leaving Australia with a worsening structural deficit​.

It is worth noting that the Coalition’s 2021–22 and 2022–23 budgets also assumed persistent deficits, albeit shrinking, through the mid-2020s. For example, rather than outlining a path back to surplus, the March 2022 budget was content with deficits totalling $225 billion over 2022–2026​, which was still a marked improvement on the $342 billion in red ink projected a year earlier during the depths of COVID​. Both eras essentially kicked the surplus can down the road – reflecting economic reality and political caution. The credibility question is whether the assumptions behind the deficits are transparent and prudent. In 2025, GDP growth is forecast to pick up modestly (after a sluggish 2023–24), and unemployment remains relatively low (hovering in the 4% range). Indeed, Chalmers declared “our economy is turning the corner – inflation is down, unemployment is low, debt is down, and growth is picking up”​. The Opposition is sceptical: it points out that inflation is still elevated (and “staying higher for longer under Labor”​) and that the budget does little to tackle Australia’s flagging productivity growth.

From a small business perspective, stable macroeconomic conditions – inflation under control, interest rates easing, and healthy consumer demand – are crucial. Here, the 2025 Budget tries to strike a balance: it offers some stimulus (tax cuts, rebates) but staggers the impact to avoid overheating inflation. The extra cash won’t hit pockets until 2026, which might make economic sense (less immediate inflationary risk) but also opens the government to charges of political cynicism (promising relief only after the election). Angus Taylor, the Shadow Treasurer, derided the tax plan as “Seventy cents a day, in a year’s time… an election bribe by a weak Prime Minister”​. This critique speaks to credibility – is the budget addressing current cost pressures or simply timing handouts for electoral advantage? Neutral observers note that deferring tax cuts to 2026–27 could be considered prudent (since the economy is still running close to capacity) or cynical (given that households are hurting now). The fiscal accountability test is whether the government is honest about these trade-offs. The budget papers acknowledge that real wages are slowly recovering, and the economy faces weaker growth without productivity gains​. What is missing, perhaps, is a fuller plan to boost productivity – something small businesses rely on for long-term prosperity – beyond some competition policy tweaks and skills programs.

Tax Policy and Cost-of-Living Measures

Tax policy is a flashpoint distinguishing the 2025 Budget and the Coalition’s past approach. The centrepiece of this budget is a $17.1 billion income tax cut package targeted at low and middle-income earners – essentially a two-step reduction of the lowest tax rate from 16% to 14% by mid-2027​. This translates to an extra $268 tax cut in 2026–27 (and $538 per year thereafter) for all taxpayers earning above $45,000​. Treasurer Chalmers called it “modest but meaningful” – by full implementation, the average worker would have about $536 more per year, on top of the Stage 3 tax cuts already slated to start this July​. The government pitches this as cumulative relief of ~$50 a week when all tax cuts are accounted for​, although that figure includes the large Stage 3 cuts (which overwhelmingly benefit higher earners). In reality, the new measure is small – roughly 70 cents a day initially – prompting the Opposition’s scorn that it won’t “restore the standard of living you have lost after three years of Labor”​.

By contrast, the Coalition’s tax strategy in its last budget took a different form. The Coalition had legislated the Stage 1–3 income tax reforms in 2019 (including the now-expiring Low and Middle-Income Tax Offset, LMITO, which provided up to $1,080 each to eligible workers). In the March 2022 budget, Frydenberg leaned heavily on one-off measures: he boosted LMITO by $420 that year and halved fuel excise for six months to ease petrol prices​. These were immediate relief measures for cost-of-living pressures in an election lead-up, immediately injecting cash into household budgets. The new Labor budget instead forgoes immediate personal tax offsets (LMITO lapsed after 2021–22) and opts for future tax rate cuts, supplemented by subsidies in specific areas like energy and health.

For small businesses and sole traders, personal tax rates matter – many are unincorporated and pay individual income tax on their business profits. The government estimates that around 1.5 million sole traders will benefit from the 2025 tax cuts when they take effect​. However, that benefit is delayed and modest. Meanwhile, inflation in essentials (like rent, power, and groceries) has far outpaced $0.70 a day in relief​, meaning many micro-business owners and contractors will continue to feel a profit squeeze in the near term. The Opposition’s stance is to reject these tax cuts outright – a somewhat surprising position for a party that champions lower taxes. Angus Taylor confirmed the Coalition “will not support Labor’s election-eve tax cuts”, arguing they are a “cruel hoax” that offers too little, too late​. This suggests that if the Coalition were in government, they might have designed cost-of-living tax relief differently – perhaps larger or immediate tax cuts or alternative support for middle Australia. (It also puts pressure on them to propose an alternative tax plan before polling day since few voters will object to any tax cut, however small​.)

Beyond income taxes, the 2025 Budget includes other cost-of-living measures with macro and micro impacts. Notably, it provides an additional $1.8 billion in energy bill relief, giving every household and ~1 million small businesses a $150 electricity rebate by the end of 2025​. This builds on earlier tranches of power bill subsidies, which have saved a typical small business up to $800 on energy over the past three budgets​. The idea is to cushion the impact of high energy costs – a significant pain point for businesses and consumers alike – without permanently suppressing price signals. The Coalition criticises Labor’s “renewables-only” energy policy for driving bills $1,300 higher for households than promises​and presumably would lean more on supply-side measures (like increasing gas supply and cutting green tape) to lower power costs. Indeed, Peter Dutton has pledged to “bring back investor certainty” in energy by fast-tracking gas projects such as the North West Shelf expansion​​. Such a move aligns with the Coalition ideology of using fossil fuel development to tame energy prices versus Labor’s approach of rebates and longer-term renewables investment.

Other cost-of-living initiatives in the Labor budget include cheaper medicines (expanding medicine subsidies), higher bulk-billing incentives to reduce healthcare costs, and housing affordability measures (aiming for 1.2 million new homes by 2030)​. These indirectly affect small businesses – e.g. helping keep workers healthy and able to spend – but are not business-specific. In its budgets, the Coalition focused cost-of-living relief more on direct financial transfers (cash payments to seniors, temporary tax cuts) rather than service price reductions. From an average worker’s perspective, both strategies have merit and limits. A $250 one-off payment (Coalition, 2022) or a $150 energy credit (Labor, 2025) provides short-term help yet doesn’t solve the underlying real wage stagnation or rising input costs. As the Institute of Public Accountants pointed out, “the delayed income tax changes will barely dent in the additional costs [small] businesses have experienced in recent years.”​The actual restoration of living standards likely requires productivity and wage growth, bringing us to the issue of productivity and how each side addresses it (or not).

Small Business and Sole Traders: Support and Challenges

Small businesses (including the 2+ million sole traders, partnerships and micro-firms) are the backbone of the Australian economy, employing about 5 million people and contributing one-third of GDP​. Budgets can profoundly impact this sector through tax settings, incentives, and regulatory changes. Business groups generally applauded the Coalition’s 2021–22 and 2022–23 budgets for their generous investment incentives. During the pandemic recovery, the Coalition introduced “full expensing” – allowing businesses to deduct most investments immediately – and extended the instant asset write-off threshold to $150,000, spurring equipment purchases. In March 2022, they announced new Small Business Technology Investment and Skills Training boosts (an extra 20% tax deduction on digital and training expenses) to encourage innovation​. These measures recognised that to lift productivity, small firms need to invest in tech and skills. However, many of these incentives were temporary and subject to legislation delays. A year later, under Labor, a bill to raise the instant asset write-off from $1,000 (its normal level) to $20,000 was stuck in Parliament due to political tussling, frustrating small operators wanting to upgrade equipment​. Economists lamented both major parties playing “dumb politics” with this issue​– a sentiment independent Senator Jacqui Lambie echoed when she blasted that “small business help has evaporated under the Albanese Government”​. (The government eventually did extend the $20k write-off, but only until June 2024, and now it’s set to expire​.)

The 2025 Budget contains a mix of small-business measures, though on a smaller scale than the big-ticket incentives of the Coalition era. To ease immediate pressures, Labor extended the energy bill rebate (mentioned above) for eligible small businesses and is providing $56.7 million in energy efficiency grants (up to $25k each) to a few thousand SMEs for upgrading appliances and equipment​. This should help some firms reduce ongoing costs, albeit only a fraction of businesses will benefit directly. Aside from the sole trader personal tax cuts in tax policy, there were no new permanent cuts for small businesses; notably, the instant asset write-off will revert to a mere $1,000 for 2025 and beyond (effectively ending a decade-long era of generous write-offs​). Instead, Labor is betting that broader economic measures – like keeping unemployment low, investing in skills and childcare, and enforcing fair competition – will create a better environment for small enterprises. The budget allocates a modest $7 million to strengthen the ACCC’s enforcement of the Franchising Code and plans to extend unfair contract terms protections to more small businesses​. It also touts a new National Competition Policy reform agenda that could add $45 billion to GDP over time if implemented fully​. For sole traders and micro-businesses, competition reform (e.g. cracking down on supermarket oligopolies and unfair payment practices) could level the playing field. Still, these gains are long-term and challenging to quantify individually.

Many small business owners feel that these budgets, whether Coalition or Labor, have not squarely addressed their declining fortunes. Data shows that the small business share of GDP has fallen from 40% in 2006 to just 33% today, and nearly half of small firms are currently running at a loss​. According to IPA chief executive Andrew Conway, “the majority of self-employed owners are earning less than the average full-time wage. This is unsustainable.”​While households got due attention in the 2025 Budget, “self-employed business owners continue to go backwards”, Conway notes, arguing that the energy rebates and tax tweaks “will barely make a dent” in the higher costs these businesses face​. The sector craves measures to boost productivity and profitability: investments in innovation, support for digital tools, less red tape, and a skilled workforce. On some of these fronts, the labor budget does make a start. For instance, over $60 million has been committed to helping small businesses improve their digital and cyber security capabilities (through initiatives like the Digital Solutions and Cyber Wardens programs)​. However, critics argue that this is far from a comprehensive productivity agenda. The budget is “silent on investing in small business innovation and R&D,” failing to capitalise on the ingenuity at the grassroots of the economy​. Additionally, looming regulatory changes – such as multi-employer bargaining laws – have many small employers concerned about rising compliance burdens. Labor did not address those concerns in the budget, missing what some call an “opportunity to design a ‘small-first’ regulatory framework” that eases paperwork and costs for genuine small operators​.

The Opposition has seized on these small business pain points, aligning their policy proposals with what small business advocates have been calling for. The Liberal Party’s budget reply and campaign are positioning the Coalition as the champion of small enterprises. Opposition Leader Peter Dutton recently put small businesses “at the centre of the Coalition’s election campaign”, vowing to “unleash the potential of the marketplace” by cutting taxes and red tape​. Specifically, Dutton promised to permanently lift the instant asset write-off to $30,000 and wind back industrial relations reforms that increased complexity and costs for employers​. Such pledges directly respond to complaints from the business community that Labor’s changes (like expanded collective bargaining rules and higher penalty rates in some awards) are onerous for small operators. The Coalition is also likely to restore lapsed measures like the training and technology tax boosts (or similar incentives) to encourage small business investment. Additionally, “getting Australia back on track” in their view, involves tightening migration (they argue Labor’s high intake of 1.8 million migrants over five years is fueling a housing and wage squeeze​) and ramping up defence and security spending to protect Australia’s future​– broader issues, but ones that resonate with certain small business owners (for example, those struggling to find housing for staff or worried about national stability).

The Opposition’s Budget Response: Critique and Alternative Vision

The official Liberal Party response to the 2025 Budget pulled no punches in condemning the government’s fiscal stewardship. In a statement titled “A budget for the next five weeks, not the next five years,” Shadow Treasurer Angus Taylor painted Labor’s budget as a failure on multiple fronts​. He asserts that “living standards have suffered the biggest collapse on record” under this government, leaving Australians “poorer after three years of Albanese Labor”​. Taylor’s critique centres on the idea that Labor’s budget is an election-year sugar hit that ignores underlying economic problems. Key charges from the Opposition include:

  • Short-term focus: Labeling the tax cuts and handouts as an “election bribe by a weak Prime Minister” that offers mere cents a day in relief​. The Opposition argues the budget does little to immediately alleviate families’ financial stress (e.g. “Seventy cents a day… is not going to help address the financial stress [of] Australian families”​) and instead times benefits to the other side of the election. This implies a lack of genuine commitment to improving livelihoods now.
  • Fiscal profligacy: Taylor claims “Labor has lifted spending by $425 billion” in its term​, an enormous expansion that the Coalition insinuates is wasteful. He highlights that deficits persist indefinitely and warns that “inflation is staying higher for longer under Labor”​– essentially accusing Labor of stoking an inflationary fiscal policy. (It is worth noting that the Coalition’s budgets projected ongoing deficits, but the Opposition is framing Labor’s additional spending choices as the culprit for extended inflation.)
  • Public service and regulation: The Opposition notes there are 41,000 more public servants in Canberra now “at a time when services have not improved.”​ This digs at Labor’s expansion of government bureaucracy. Similarly, they decry Labor’s approach to energy and migration as poorly managed (e.g. “migration is out of control”​), suggesting the government is not effectively planning for housing and infrastructure needs. All these points underpin the Coalition’s broader narrative that Labor is inept and “incompetent” in economic management​.
  • Lack of productivity agenda: Perhaps surprisingly, the Opposition finds common ground with some economists’ concerns on the issue of productivity. They cite “Labor’s own budget papers” to say the economy will be weaker due to failure to boost productivity, noting “productivity has collapsed by 6% under Labor” with nothing in the budget to reverse it​. The Coalition posits that its government would do better by fostering business-led growth and investment (though specific productivity measures in their critique are thin, aside from cutting red tape).

What is the alternative vision the Coalition offers? In broad strokes, Taylor and Dutton promise a return to what they brand as responsible, long-term thinking: “A Coalition Government will always better manage the economy so we can pay for essential services and keep our country safe”​. Concretely, this means lower taxes (they pledge taxes will “always be lower under a Dutton government”​), targeted spending restraint, and pro-business reforms. Dutton’s campaign promises (as discussed) include making the instant asset write-off more generous and permanent, repealing parts of Labor’s industrial relations laws, and likely maintaining Stage 3 tax cuts in full. On the budget’s contentious tax cuts for 2026, the Coalition has drawn a line: they would vote against them. This could be read as fiscally hawkish (not endorsing a $17 billion tax expenditure without a way to pay it) or politically opportunistic (denying Labor a victory while hinting they will devise their own tax relief later). Either way, the Opposition is gambling that voters – especially small business owners and higher-income professionals in their base – prefer a vision of bigger, structurally lower taxes and spending discipline rather than Labor’s temporary and delayed measures.

From the perspective of small businesses and sole traders, the Liberal opposition’s critique hits some sympathetic notes. Many business communities feel the 2025 Budget is “designed for an election” rather than tackling long-term challenges​. For instance, the Australian Chamber of Commerce and Industry welcomed the tax cuts but lamented the lack of ambition on productivity and tax reform beyond the election cycle​. The Opposition’s promises to “get Australia back on track” by cutting regulatory burdens and providing certainty (in tax policy, energy, and industrial relations) resonate with small business operators who often cite compliance costs and unpredictability as key concerns. A tangible example is the instant asset write-off: a permanent $30k write-off, as pledged by Dutton​, would give small firms more confidence to plan investments each year instead of lobbying for extensions. Likewise, rewinding complex industrial relations rules could alleviate fears of unintended breaches among small employers. On the other hand, some of the Coalition’s rhetoric needs scrutiny for realism. Pledging significant increases in defence spending​and possibly new industry subsidies (as some pre-election announcements hint) while also cutting taxes raises the question: How will they fund these commitments without pushing deficits higher? The Coalition criticises Labor’s deficits, yet aside from opposing the 2026 tax cut, they have not outlined offsetting savings in detail. The likely targets would be trimming public service growth, cancelling specific Labor programs or grants, and reducing migration-driven costs – all politically sensitive areas.

It is also important to note voices beyond the major parties. The Greens have been largely critical of both Labor and Coalition approaches to cost-of-living, arguing for direct measures like free dental care, higher income support for the vulnerable, and taxing super-profits of big corporations to fund services. While not specifically small-business oriented, the Greens’ stance is that relieving poverty and investing in public services ultimately benefits the whole economy (including local businesses) by boosting consumer demand and social well-being. In the context of the 2025 Budget, Greens leader Adam Bandt slammed the tax cuts as money that would be better spent lifting unemployed and low-income Australians out of hardship. This fundamentally different priority set emphasises equity over broad tax reduction. The teal independents and other crossbenchers, many of whom have business backgrounds, have taken nuanced positions. For example, independent MP Sophie Scamps has proposed a dedicated $20,000 tax-free threshold for small business income as an election policy, alongside extending the $20k instant write-off​. This idea reflects an entrepreneurial perspective: letting sole traders keep the first $20k they earn tax-free (analogous to individuals’ tax-free threshold) could encourage more startups and give new small businesses a better chance to survive early years. It is a reminder that alternative solutions exist beyond the binary of Labor vs Coalition – ideas, like targeted tax-free thresholds or additional support for solo operators (who often don’t benefit from significant investment write-offs), could address the specific needs of the smallest businesses. Independent Senator Jacqui Lambie, as noted, blasted the Labor budget for lacking small business support and poorly targeted tax relief​. Her criticism that the government is “no friend of small business” underscores a growing sentiment that neither major party has fully delivered a comprehensive plan to reinvigorate Australia’s struggling small business sector.

Which Approach Holds More Credibility for Small Business?

Evaluating the 2025 Federal Budget against the Coalition’s recent fiscal record reveals a degree of continuity in politics, if not policy details. Labor’s current budget and the Coalition’s 2021–22 and 2022–23 budgets used optimistic economic forecasts to justify short-term relief measures while deferring the heavy lifting on deficit reduction. The fiscal credibility of the 2025 Budget rests on whether its balance of election-driven sweeteners and cautious optimism is believable. On the one hand, the Albanese government can credibly claim it has managed a rapid fiscal turnaround from the pandemic – presiding over the first surpluses in 15 years – and is keeping debt on a slightly lower trajectory than expected​. It has also targeted relief to where it broadly sees need (lower-income tax bracket, energy bills, healthcare) and refrained from extravagances like new permanent tax cuts for the wealthy. These are points in favour of fiscal responsibility and social equity. On the other hand, legitimate criticisms can be made that the budget lacks a long-term vision for productivity and small business growth. It does relatively little to “reverse the alarming slide” of the small business sector’s share of the economy​. Measures to boost innovation, simplify regulation, or substantively ease the tax burden on small operators are modest or missing. For a sole trader or small shop owner, the Labor budget’s offerings – a delayed tax cut worth a few hundred dollars, a one-off power bill credit, and perhaps more straightforward access to government contracts or digital grants – might feel underwhelming compared to their daily challenges.

While politically charged, the Coalition’s critique and proposals align with many small business desires: lower taxes now, less bureaucracy, and a sense of certainty that someone is minding the economy’s long-term store. The Coalition’s track record, however, tempers its credibility. When last in government, it ran large deficits and deployed election-eve handouts (the behaviour it lambastes Labor for). Its promises to be tougher on spending and inflation ring somewhat hollow, given the absence of detailed savings plans or acknowledgement that returning to surplus will require complex trade-offs. That said, the Opposition has positioned itself as a friend to small businesses – pledging concrete wins like a permanent $30k asset write-off and repeal of onerous regulations​. Those pledges are credible in feasibility (they could be implemented relatively quickly if the Coalition wins) and would likely positively impact many businesses’ confidence and capacity to invest. The question is whether the broader economic approach – potentially looser fiscal policy via tax cuts and unspecified spending cuts – would deliver better outcomes for Australia. If it leads to higher deficits or cuts in services that Australians rely on, even small businesses could feel indirect pain (for example, if consumer spending falls or infrastructure lags).

From the viewpoint of a small business community that often mirrors the conditions of ordinary wage earners, each party’s approach has pros and cons. Labor’s 2025 Budget offers stability and incremental progress – it does not rock the boat, provides some cost relief, and maintains support for services (like skills training and healthcare) that small businesses value. Its weakness is a lack of transformative measures to energise the engine room of the economy – the millions of sole traders and SMEs who drive innovation and employment. The Coalition’s platform promises a more dynamic, incentive-driven environment for businesses – tax breaks, deregulation, and a pro-growth agenda – which could help many entrepreneurs and shopkeepers in the short term. However, its credibility hinges on whether it can deliver those benefits without compromising fiscal sustainability or equity. For Australia’s two million-plus self-employed and small employers, the ideal path forward likely draws a bit from both philosophies: immediate, meaningful relief where it counts (energy, input costs, cash flow) and forward-looking investment in productivity and skills.

The 2025 Budget marks another chapter in Australia’s fiscal story where politics and policy intersect. It upholds some historical patterns (pre-election generosity, deficits enduring) while breaking others (using targeted tax cuts instead of broad ones). The Coalition’s response, bristling with tough talk and business-friendly promises, is a sharp reminder that accountability in a democracy often comes via a credible opposition challenge. Ultimately, the test will be in the coming months: voters – including countless small business owners and sole traders – will judge which vision offers them a more secure and prosperous future. Whichever party prevails, the expectation is to address not just the next five weeks but the next five years and beyond with policies that genuinely empower Australia’s small businesses and workforce to thrive.

Sources

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Eric Allgood is the Managing Director of SBAAS and brings over two decades of experience in corporate guidance, with a focus on governance and risk, crisis management, industrial relations, and sustainability.

He founded SBAAS in 2019 to extend his corporate strategies to small businesses, quickly becoming a vital support. His background in IR, governance and risk management, combined with his crisis management skills, has enabled businesses to navigate challenges effectively.

Eric’s commitment to sustainability shapes his approach to fostering inclusive and ethical practices within organisations. His strategic acumen and dedication to sustainable growth have positioned SBAAS as a leader in supporting small businesses through integrity and resilience.

Qualifications:

  • Master of Business Law
  • MBA (USA)
  • Graduate Certificate of Business Administration
  • Graduate Certificate of Training and Development
  • Diploma of Psychology (University of Warwickshire)
  • Bachelor of Applied Management

Memberships:

  • Small Business Association of Australia –
    International Think Tank Member and Sponsor
  • Australian Institute of Company Directors – MAICD
  • Institute of Community Directors Australia – ICDA
  • Australian Human Resource Institute – CAHRI
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